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View Full Version : Int'l Issues After Apartheid, South Africa becomes another 3rd world dung heep


***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 12:11 PM
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/worldnews/article-1210281/South-African-man-refugee-persecuted-white.html#ixzz0PrAyQAPS

Gee, where's Bruce Springsteen when you need him to play Sun City?

ROFL

wild1
09-01-2009, 12:20 PM
It's incredible what's happened there. I wish I could say more, but suffice it to say, it's no wonder such an exodus has happened. It was unjust in the past, but is it better today? With hyper inflation, grocery stores with bare shelves, massive unemployment, some of the most dangerous city streets on earth and with many of the outlying areas for all intents and purposes lawless, I am not sure the question is settled. And all the intellectual capital, anyone with an education or a trade to ply is leaving. Anyone who can afford to, by hook or by crook, leaves.

Some things are much better, most things are definitely not.

***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 12:28 PM
Nelson Mandela was a Marxist shit head just like B.O.

Garcia Bronco
09-01-2009, 12:34 PM
This is what happens when you keep your population uneducated, slaved, and impoverished.

HonestChieffan
09-01-2009, 12:40 PM
Ran the naughty brits out. then industry left.

Consider waht happens when you punish those who build and create.

BucEyedPea
09-01-2009, 12:42 PM
Nelson Mandela was a Marxist shit head just like B.O.

I wonder how many people really knew he was a committed communist? The reason he was jailed was because he wouldn't renounce violence.
But he was made into a hero in the west. Meanwhile, his wife recommended necklacing for other blacks opposed to their agenda. The violence was black on black back then because the
Xhosa and Zulus hated one another.

***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 12:44 PM
This is what happens when you keep your population uneducated, slaved, and impoverished.

Oh here go again, it's all Whitey's fault.

WilliamTheIrish
09-01-2009, 12:44 PM
Never really gave a shit about SA. Prolly never will.

BucEyedPea
09-01-2009, 12:48 PM
Hummmm, I have Kruggerands.

***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 12:51 PM
Hummmm, I have Kruggerands.

Lucky you.

BucEyedPea
09-01-2009, 01:01 PM
Lucky you.

I dunno anymore.

wild1
09-01-2009, 01:02 PM
Nelson Mandela was a Marxist

Far left, and with a huge mandate. This is what you get.

***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 01:06 PM
Far left, and with a huge mandate. This is what you get.

The similarities are striking.

More on that fruity nutcake Van Jones:

http://www.wnd.com/index.php?fa=PAGE.view&pageId=108180

HonestChieffan
09-01-2009, 01:14 PM
Oh here go again, it's all Whitey's fault.

Actually he is correct. The issue is it was black leaders who did that after the brits left.

Garcia Bronco
09-01-2009, 01:18 PM
Oh here go again, it's all Whitey's fault.

I don't think color is an issue here. It doesn't matter. It's just a simple fact.

***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 01:22 PM
I don't think color is an issue here. It doesn't matter. It's just a simple fact.

Apartheid SA had a positive GDP and was a major employer to Africans in neighboring Zimbabwe. it wasn't North Korea.

Garcia Bronco
09-01-2009, 01:24 PM
Apartheid SA had a positive GDP and was a major employer to Africans in neighboring Zimbabwe. it wasn't North Korea.

And it was also an abomination. But you can't take the improvished and uneducated of wednesday and give them complete power that afternoon.

When you have these on your beaches...you have a problem

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/81/DurbanSign1989.jpg/250px-DurbanSign1989.jpg

wild1
09-01-2009, 01:30 PM
I don't think color is an issue here. It doesn't matter. It's just a simple fact.

It's not a case of white versus black. It's a parliamentary and western mindset to government having been replaced with a socialist one.

***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 01:43 PM
And it was also an abomination. But you can't take the improvished and uneducated of wednesday and give them complete power that afternoon.

When you have these on your beaches...you have a problem

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/81/DurbanSign1989.jpg/250px-DurbanSign1989.jpg

I see. So because of segregated beaches, the blacks are in a rape and murder frenzy now that they can have access to the beach.

Makes sense. If you're a moonbat. did you ever think that maybe the Dutch Afrikaners understood the nature of the beast?

CHIEF4EVER
09-01-2009, 01:52 PM
After Apartheid, South Africa becomes another 3rd world dung heep

Your threads would be taken more seriously if you learned to spell words properly. It is 'H E A P' as in 'a pile'.

***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 02:06 PM
The blond mistress of ceremonies, a former Miss South Africa, wearing a daring gold dress with criss-crossing straps that barely cover her back and a shimmering semi-transparent skirt, urges the dinner guests to stand and applaud President Thabo Mbeki when he enters the luxuriantly decorated banquet hall.


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***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 02:08 PM
Her exhortations at the fund-raising dinner attended by several hundred corporate leaders at the Grand West Casino outside Cape Town do little good. Mbeki receives polite but perfunctory applause. The tepid reception -- even from the business leaders who have benefited amply from Mbeki's conservative economic policies -- is yet another confirmation of his inability to generate anything like the adulation normally showered on Nelson Mandela, his predecessor who stepped down five years ago after a single term as president. As Pieter Dirk Uys, South Africa's leading satirist, quipped, "We have a government of the people, by the people, for the people, led by someone who doesn't like people."

The chilliness of his welcome aside, 10 years ago it would have been hard to imagine that Mbeki's African National Congress, which once promised to nationalize gold and diamond mines and other key industries, would be feted by South Africa's corporate elite -- which is still largely white, but increasingly populated by a black business tycoons.

As guests dine on lightly smoked salmon, apricot stuffed loin of lamb and a hazelnut meringue dessert, Mbeki pleads for money for the ANC's re-election campaign, which mercifully has lasted only two months, culminating in the national elections for Parliament and president on April 14. He concedes that Mandela's party is struggling financially -- an odd situation for a party that will win the election hands-down. Just like the National Party, which invented and held sway over apartheid-dominated South African politics for nearly a half-century, the ANC is set to dominate for the next half.

Mbeki, 60, is a short, impeccably dressed man with a graying mustache and goatee who speaks with the well-formed tones of an English don. "As a country and a people, I think we have done very, very well," he tells his audience. In his typically understated way, he makes the case for why the ANC that he heads deserved to be re-elected for another five-year term. "The people who complain about the pace of change are people who are driving Toyotas but wish they were driving a Mercedes," he says. "In the next decade, we will do even better than we did in the first decade, I am sure of it."

Not everyone is so sure. Casting a shadow over South Africa's evolving democracy is the experience of Zimbabwe, a country directly to South Africa's north with a very similar history of white minority rule. Like Mandela, Robert Mugabe was welcomed as a liberator 20 years ago. Today, Mugabe has become a tyrant. Civil liberties no longer exist. Land invaders have taken over thousands of white farms. Food production has collapsed. Could South Africa become another Zimbabwe? It is an uncomfortable question, especially as the ANC proclaims its achievements during the first decade of democracy.

But it's a question even some supporters of the government ask themselves, especially because Mbeki, rather than criticizing Mugabe directly, has chosen a so-far ineffective path of "quiet diplomacy."

"I fail to understand why our government is not speaking out strongly against obvious excesses by a man who has not moved his country forward," says Kehla Shubane, who was a political prisoner on Robben Island during the 1980s, and later headed up the Mandela Foundation, a charitable organization set up by the former president. "What is happening in Zimbabwe should give people reason to worry about the future of democracy in South Africa, and the whole of Africa."

Early on April 27, 1994, I stood 10 yards from Mandela in a village outside Durban as he dropped his ballot into a metal voting box for the first time in his life, a personal and political triumph like few others in world history. Now I have returned to the country of my birth to see just how well South Africa's post-apartheid government has done since that transcendent day, and to assess its chances for becoming the continent's one unqualified success story. The fates of both are inextricably linked. "If Africa doesn't succeed, the likelihood of South Africa succeeding is minimal," Shubane tells me. "Conversely, if South Africa doesn't succeed, the continent goes under completely."

A decade ago, it seemed that there was no place for me in a new South Africa. I had left South Africa a quarter century earlier to study in the United States. When friends began to be arrested and detained without trial, or placed under house arrest for years at a time, I decided to stay in the United States and try to influence the course of events in South Africa from outside.

I returned frequently as a journalist, until the white minority regime denied me entry into the country. After Mandela was freed, I found that none of my friends, even those in senior positions in the new government, were urging me to come back. As a white male, it was unclear how welcome I would be, and what I would actually do there. I feared that the racial divisions that confront us in the United States would be even greater, despite the ANC's decades-long pledge to build a "nonracial" democratic South Africa. I also had a feeling that I had been away too long to comfortably return, that perhaps South Africa was no longer "home."

But since my last visit, my siblings and I have bought a plot of ground in Hout Bay just outside Cape Town, and are considering building a house there. I find I am not alone. Everywhere I go, I run into former exiles and expatriates who are trying to find similar ways to reconnect with their homeland, especially in the alluring Cape -- not necessarily as part of a movement to return permanently, but to find a way to make smaller contributions. Without apartheid, the place seems to have limitless possibilities.

South Africa has an addictive quality that few who were born there, or even visit, are able to shake off. During the apartheid era, it amazed me when I met black South African exiles in the Bay Area most could not wait to return to their homeland, even though they came from Soweto and other miserable townships where they endured lives as third-class citizens.

By contrast, many whites were always looking for a reason to leave. Ten years ago, they worried about what would happen after Mandela became president. Mandela has come and gone, but I find they have invented a new fear: What will happen when an increasingly frail Mandela, now 85, dies? The lifestyles of most whites have not changed in the slightest. But the fact that there is no race war in South Africa many ascribe almost completely to Mandela's imagined influence behind the scenes in keeping a check on black aspirations and anger. It makes no difference when I point out that even while Mandela was president it was really Mbeki, then his deputy president, who was running the country.

Next to Mandela, the country's hero is Trevor Manuel, the brash finance minister who was responsible for stabilizing the shaky economy inherited from the apartheid government. He has reduced the deficit from nearly 10 percent of the GDP to a mere 2.8 percent today. Inflation is running at less than 5 percent. But South Africa's economy is still growing weakly. Its average annual growth rate over the past 10 years has been 2.7 percent -- satisfactory, but nowhere near the far-higher growth recorded in other developing countries such as Chile or Malaysia.

Crime is still at unacceptably high levels, but crime rates have stabilized. Until as recently as two years ago, downtown Johannesburg was a no- go zone. The Carlton Center, where I attended the ANC's victory party in 1994 and watched Mandela declare South Africa "free at last," had been shut down, a sorry fall from its billing as Africa's most luxurious hotel, in the heart of Johannesburg. This time, when I drive down to the Carlton Center I find that the once-deserted shopping mall adjoining the hotel is crowded with both black and white shoppers. Implausibly, what seems to have driven the criminals away is a network of 200 video cameras covering 10 square miles in Johannesburg's downtown that can monitor the minutest activity on the street. If the cameras detect anything suspicious, police are dispatched to the scene, often with a one-minute response time. "Johannesburg was set to join Lagos and other big cities of Africa that have imploded," says Neville Huxham, the marketing director for Cueincident, the company that installed and manages the surveillance operation. Huxham, who proudly shows me the banks of video monitors on the sixth floor of the Carlton Tower, insists crime in Johannesburg is no better or worse than most major cities -- and statistically safer than Washington, D.C., Los Angeles and Rio de Janeiro. As I look at sidewalks crammed with fruit stands and shoppers, it's exhilarating to witness a scene I -- and many others -- had never thought possible: South Africa is reclaiming its largest and most vibrant city from gangsters and crime syndicates from all over the continent.

Apartheid was often described as a crime against humanity, putting it in the same category as Nazism. But a more appropriate comparison would be the forced racial segregation in the American South. Just as the end of official segregation in the South did not automatically bring economic liberation, the end of apartheid has not translated into a significant transformation in the lives of most of South Africa's poor. The government still faces huge challenges in almost every arena -- housing, education, employment, health care, and, of course, AIDS.

Five million people -- 1 in every 5 of 15- to 49-year-olds -- live with HIV/AIDS here, more than in any other country. Yet Mbeki and his cabinet constantly invite ridicule for their grudging response to the disease, along with their embrace of "dissident" theories questioning the link between HIV and AIDS. While I am in the country, Mbeki's controversial health minister, Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, provokes yet another uproar when she insists that using a mixture of spinach, beetroot, garlic and olive oil is an effective substitute for anti-retroviral drugs. The minister claims to have met more than 100 patients "who have got up and walked" after following the diet of a former nurse whose sole medical experience was a nine-month stint 15 years ago, and is no longer licensed to practice. "I've seen the results with my own eyes, the Star newspaper reports Tshabalala-Msimang as saying. "There is no doubt in my mind."

Statements like these make critics wonder whether Mbeki has fully accepted a Constitutional Court ruling requiring him to distribute anti- retrovirals as part of an effective anti-AIDS campaign. In December, Tshabalala-Msimang declared that by the end of March, the government would distribute them to 53,000 AIDS patients. But by mid-February not a single patient had received drugs through the government program. One afternoon I watched her in Parliament as she insisted the anti-retroviral program was "still on course," and that what HIV/AIDS patients need were a variety of "treatment options," including those based in African traditional medicine. "We really hoped that this denialism (about AIDS) was a thing of the past," Nathan Geffen, national manager of the Treatment Action Coalition, the leading AIDS advocacy organization, tells me. But the continued foot-dragging by the government, he says, "make us deeply concerned."

One day I drive out to visit the site where I may build a house in Hout Bay. As a child growing up in Cape Town, I came here with my family to buy snoek, a South African smoked fish delicacy, from the stalls adjoining the harbor. Now I discover that a festering squatter conflict has broken out there in a hillside settlement overlooking the bay officially called Imizamo Yetho, which means "collective struggle." But shack dwellers who live there call it Mandela Park. The reason for the conflict is simple: Too many people have crowded into a small swath of hillside land set aside for 450 families more than a decade ago, but onto which more than 3,000 families -- and as many as 16,000 people -- have squeezed. Mbeki's government is in a quandary about what to do about urban squatters like these. As is often the case, the squatters are themselves squabbling. One faction is headed by Goodman Gwangwa, who has sided with the mostly white Hout Bay Ratepayers Association. Together they've filed a suit to prevent newcomers from building new shacks on the last remaining piece of land in the area, which had been set aside for schools and other recreational facilities. The other faction, allied with the ANC, wants to use the open land to house all the squatter dwellers.

On my way to meet Gwangwa, I am told that some angry squatters are heading over to burn down his house. As I approach Mandela Park, I see clouds of smoke rising above the settlement. When I drive in on the narrow streets, my car is soon enveloped in smoke, and flames lick close to the tires of my car. Through the flames, I see crowds of squatters trying to burn down trees on the remaining vacant land so they can begin building new shacks, and armed police who are trying to stop them.

The scene looks uncomfortably like many I saw during the anti-apartheid struggles of the 1970s and '80s. I talk to Gwangwa on his cell phone (even squatter leaders have cell phones these days) and find out that he's been escorted out of the camp by police for his own safety.

There appears to be no easy solution to this conflict, or others popping up in most urban areas of South Africa. I watch as a large bus, Zulu Luxury Lines, drives past along one of the two narrow roads leading into Mandela Park. Each Friday, a resident tells me, it arrives filled with new job seekers and family members from the rural areas of the Eastern Cape. As fast as the government builds new houses in the region, more people migrate into the area, and more shacks go up. Under post-apartheid legislation, if a shack has been occupied for more than 48 hours, the local municipality must find alternative housing before it can be torn down. That often triggers a cat-and-mouse game between squatters and local authorities who try to tear down shacks before they're occupied. But officials concede that with only 50 police officers on its Informal Settlement Management Unit to cover a city of 2.8 million, it is an impossible task. "It's a big, big problem," says Winnie Lombard, a city council spokeswoman. I suspect that, more than lack of manpower, there is no political will to engage in large-scale squatter removals.

***SPRAYER
09-01-2009, 02:09 PM
Education is another arena in which apartheid-era divisions still persist. I go to visit my old high school, the South African College School, or SACS, in a magnificent setting high up against the slopes of Table Mountain. It's a public school, even though it has many of the trappings of a private one. The school has just published a glossy coffee-table book celebrating its 175th anniversary, which makes it the oldest in South Africa, possible the oldest on the continent. During school hours, students spend time in the state-of-the- art computer center. After school, they can play water polo in the Olympic- size swimming pool. The cricket and rugby fields are perfectly maintained. Even before Mandela became president, the school voluntarily began admitting black students. Gordon Law, the principal, says he has no idea what the racial composition of the school is because he doesn't keep statistics on the ethnicity of his students. He thinks that 25 to 30 percent of the student body is black or "coloured," the mixed-race population in the Western Cape. But from what I see of the students in their neat gray pants, blue blazers and English-style straw hats, only a smattering of students are nonwhite.

The government has been trying to equalize spending between black and white schools. It has decreed that it will not pay for more than one teacher for every 36 students. According to that formula, SACS should have lost half of its 38 teachers. To avoid laying off teachers, it has simply raised fees, which are now R13,250 ($2,100), making it unaffordable to the majority of black South Africans. Although public schools have always been allowed to levy modest registration fees, historically they had never come close to the fees now being levied at SACS and other formerly white schools.

Fully aware of the racial divide, SACS has established an informal linkage with the entirely black Hlengiso Primary School in Nyanga, a densely populated township on the sandy wastelands on the Cape Flats a half-hour away. A sad contrast to the white-washed, Greek-columned buildings of my old school, Hlengiso is housed in a one-story bungalow-style structure. It has no playing fields, no library, no science laboratory or overhead projector. The student body is entirely black, as are all the teachers. Instruction is in Xhosa, the indigenous language of most blacks in the Western Cape. Students are required to pay a mere R50 ($8) per year, but many won't or can't pay even that. When I talked to the acting principal, Livingston Qwaka, he seemed on the verge of tears as he described the conditions in his struggling school. First-grade classes are crowded with an average of 54 students. Each day, more and more students show up, and in recent weeks, he has had to close his doors to any new admissions and send them to other township schools, in the hope they can get in somewhere else. "We tell them we have tables, but no chairs for them," he says.

As a public school, SACS must admit any black or "coloured" student who lives in its immediate neighborhood. But because the school is situated in an overwhelmingly white area, it gets few black applicants. Even though I understand Law's argument that it is necessary to sustain islands of educational excellence in the new South Africa, I imagine the anger of Hlengiso parents were they to see the schools most whites attend. I also know there is little chance of that happening. Few township blacks ever visit the verdant suburbs on the slopes of Table Mountain, and the distance between the two feels as vast as it did when I was a student here in the 1960s.

It's not that the poor have been ignored. During the past decade, nearly 5 million additional people -- primarily children, elderly and the disabled -- have begun to receive government grants. Thirty percent more households have electricity. An additional 9 million people, or 3.7 million households, have access to water. The government has built 1 million RDP houses -- named after Mandela's Reconstruction and Development Program -- mostly for people earning less than $250 per month.

In 1994 Mandela's party promised "a better life for all." But for the majority of black South Africans, the end of apartheid has yet to bring significant improvements in their lives. Of the 45 million people who live in South Africa, 80 percent are black, 10 percent white and the remainder Indians and "coloureds." For the majority of blacks, the statistics on unemployment are truly depressing. Surveys show that nearly two-thirds of black South Africans have never had a formal job, and that one quarter will die without ever having had one. Between 1995 and 1999 alone, nearly 3 million people entered the workforce, but only 1 million jobs were created. According to Cobus De Swardt, a researcher at the Program for Land and Agrarian Studies at the University of the Western Cape, between 45 and 55 percent of all South Africans live in poverty, and one quarter of all households are trapped in chronic poverty -- defined as poverty that lasts for five or more years. Even more worrying, the average white household is 15 percent better off than a decade ago, measured by annual income. Although the top one-third of blacks are better off, the average black household is 19 percent worse off. The numbers are partly explained by a massive skills gap. The majority of blacks are poorly educated and have few skills. The abundance of cheap labor has depressed wages for those at the very bottom of the labor market.

"If chronic poverty is not addressed, social cohesion will be severely undermined," De Swardt tells me over coffee. That seems a considerable understatement.

Contrasting with its failures to alleviate poverty are the government's aggressive affirmative action and "black economic empowerment" programs intended to encourage the emergence of a black entrepreneurial class. Large, formerly white-dominated companies have been forced to spin off subsidiaries to black "partners" or place them on boards of directors. "Empowerment" companies are given significant preference in the awarding of huge government contracts. I'm amazed to see former anti-apartheid activists such as Zwelakhe Sisulu referred to in the press as a "mining magnate," or Tokyo Sekswale, the first premier of Gauteng, South Africa's largest province, as a "tycoon." The press is also filled with stories about the lavish lifestyles of this new black capitalist class -- as well as allegations of corruption by various officials allied with the ANC whom the government only tepidly punishes. Even within the ANC, there is grumbling about the transfer of wealth to an elite that has yet to trickle down to the grassroots.

In another 10 years, a new generation of black South Africans born after Mandela was freed may well demand more from their government. Add a populist leader to the mix, and the ANC's lock on power may no longer be guaranteed. Mbeki seems aware of the dangers. At the fund-raising dinner I attended, he reassured business leaders that the ANC could tamp down rising black expectations. "There will not be a rebellion among the masses of the people because we will go and talk to them, and say, 'These are the possibilities, this is what we are prepared to do today, this is what we can only do tomorrow, ' " he said. "They trust us; they know this leadership went to jail for them, were hanged for them. So when we tell them, 'Surely you are hungry and poor and living in a shack, but let's wait a bit, we will come tomorrow,' of course they will listen."

It's startling to hear Mbeki hint at the prospect of a black rebellion. That may explain why his re-election campaign emphasizes what he will do for South Africa's poor. Among the ANC's election promises is a $2 billion public- works program that will hire people to build roads, railroads and pipelines. Everywhere I go, I see ANC campaign posters carrying the clunky slogan: "a people's contract to create work and fight poverty."

There are other potential friction points. One major disappointment has been the failure of the ANC to advance its vision of a nonracial society. In reaction to the apartheid state, the ANC for decades espoused a utopian vision of a society in which racial categories would fall away. But now that it's in power, its policies are sustaining the racial divides -- not in enforcing segregationist laws, but in how it is trying to divide the spoils of a liberated society. Blacks are now called Africans, a term that implies that everyone else isn't. They are the first in the pecking order in benefiting from affirmative-action or black-empowerment programs. As a result, many Indians and "coloureds" now feel discriminated against and rejected because they once received some privileges under apartheid's castelike racial policies.

White males have the toughest time finding work in government, nonprofit organizations or even the private sector. These days I hear no reference to South Africa as a "rainbow nation," a notion brilliantly articulated by Archbishop Desmond Tutu in the early days after apartheid's fall. Even former white anti-apartheid activists feel there is no role for them. "The space for progressive whites who want to make a contribution in the public sector doesn't exist," says a friend whose house was firebombed for his work on behalf of communities fighting forced removal during the apartheid years. "No matter what kind of white person you are, this is the time for black advancement."

The South African experience underscores how difficult it is to truly transform a society, even one that was relatively intact when the ANC took power a decade ago, and had as its leader an authentic world hero.

On my last day in South Africa, I climb the slopes of Table Mountain again. Everything below looks like it did when I was a teenager here, including Robben Island, where Mandela and thousands of others were imprisoned. But of course, everything has changed. Robben Island is now a museum, and visitors can sign up for tours that include a visit to Mandela's cell.

As I reflect on what I've seen, it seems that the last 10 years could have been far worse. The land is as beautiful as ever, perhaps more so now that apartheid is gone. There has been no race war. The country, for all its problems, is functioning better than any on the continent. Mbeki is an uninspiring, flawed leader, but the same could be said of most political leaders around the world. But the danger signals are all around -- in the crowded townships and the jobless rural areas, in schools without desks and clinics without nurses. AIDS will strip the country of some of its brightest talents and a growing segment of its population. Unchallenged, the ANC will have to guard against complacency and arrogance. In many ways, the transformation of South Africa has just begun.



[url]http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a

KC native
09-01-2009, 02:14 PM
OH NOESSSSS Durr iz mor3 skeery black peepolez/ Shtspryer

KILLER_CLOWN
09-01-2009, 02:40 PM
I smell a globalist plot here, thank Bill Gates for offering them free population control measures.

wild1
09-01-2009, 03:19 PM
I smell a globalist plot here...

Which is to say... you are smelling...

KILLER_CLOWN
09-01-2009, 03:26 PM
Which is to say... you are smelling...

ROFL

Amnorix
09-02-2009, 03:54 PM
I see. So because of segregated beaches, the blacks are in a rape and murder frenzy now that they can have access to the beach.

Makes sense. If you're a moonbat. did you ever think that maybe the Dutch Afrikaners understood the nature of the beast?

Help me out. Can you explain what particular "beast" you're referring to, and what the nature of that beast is that Dutch Afrikaners understood?

***SPRAYER
09-02-2009, 03:58 PM
Help me out. Can you explain what particular "beast" you're referring to, and what the nature of that beast is that Dutch Afrikaners understood?

The beasts are the rapists:

http://www.chiefsplanet.com/BB/showthread.php?t=213060

KC native
09-02-2009, 04:02 PM
The beasts are the rapists:

http://www.chiefsplanet.com/BB/showthread.php?t=213060

Had to have someone else come up with a justification huh? ROFL

Amnorix
09-02-2009, 04:09 PM
The beasts are the rapists:

http://www.chiefsplanet.com/BB/showthread.php?t=213060

I don't quite follow, since the quote is that the Dutch Afrikaners understood the nature of the beast. What did they understand about rapists, and what policies did they have in place that were all that unusual, exemplifying this special understanding of rapists?

googlegoogle
09-02-2009, 04:29 PM
And it was also an abomination. But you can't take the improvished and uneducated of wednesday and give them complete power that afternoon.

When you have these on your beaches...you have a problem

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/81/DurbanSign1989.jpg/250px-DurbanSign1989.jpg

Is Japan or other Asian nations also an abomination in your opinion since they don't want foreigners in large numbers in their country and have signs that tell westerners to stay out of certain areas?(common in Japan).

South Africa has been reduced to a dangerous pisshole.

The media doesn't cover this at all. Complete disaster.

***SPRAYER
09-07-2009, 06:37 PM
Is Japan or other Asian nations also an abomination in your opinion since they don't want foreigners in large numbers in their country and have signs that tell westerners to stay out of certain areas?(common in Japan).

South Africa has been reduced to a dangerous pisshole.

The media doesn't cover this at all. Complete disaster.

QFT.